Qatar Foundation Annual Research Conference Proceedings Volume 2016 Issue 1

Background

The term “bioethics” emerged in the last quarter of the twentieth century to refer to ethical reflection in the life sciences and in biomedical research. In general, it is used to denote three main areas of scholarship: medical ethics in health care and medical research; ethical issues at the interface of the life sciences and biomedical technology; and in its broadest sense, biological aspects of environmental ethics including animal research ethics and vegetarianism. Modern breathtaking advances in scientific research and biomedical technology have raised serious ethical concerns on the nature, limits, and boundaries of human and non-human life and stirred global debate on the wider implications of these advances. These ethical concerns touch on important questions such as: beginning and end of human life; organ donation, transplantation and trafficking; genetics and reproductive methods; and environmental implications of modern technology and lifestyles. Since its inception, bioethics developed as an interdisciplinary field that draws on insights from the wide spectrum of natural and applied sciences, social sciences, and humanities. Global interest in bioethics stems from the fact that it investigates universal issues that concern mankind and the very essence of life on this universe. Experts emphasize the need for cross-cultural dialogue with a view to create worldwide awareness on the importance of bioethics and to facilitate shared understanding and collective action towards bioethical issues. In light of the comprehensive scope of the Islamic normative tradition, bioethical deliberations in the Muslim context require thorough investigation of the foundations of this tradition and the extent to which they can be reconstructed to address modern bioethical questions. Empirical research in the Muslim world shows that as far as bioethical issues are concerned, Islamic ethical reasoning constitutes the primary form of legitimacy for the majority of Muslim populations. Therefore, efforts that overlook this important observation would risk alienating significant segments of the Muslim population and would in turn limit the outcome of these efforts. Bearing in mind the importance of Islamic ethical reasoning for bioethical deliberations, the Islamic Medical and Scientific Ethics (IMSE) project was launched in 2009 with funding from Qatar National Research Fund (QNRF)’s National Priorities Research Program (NPRP). This three-year project (2009–2012- NPRP No. 08-783-6-017) was established in order to undertake the necessary preliminary step of identifying and exploring available literature in the Muslim world in this area. In collaboration with the Kennedy Institute of Ethics in Washington D.C. and building on its recognized expertise of more than 30 years in developing reference services and research databases in this field, the project developed both a comprehensive physical collection and dedicated database on the topic. Prior to its successful completion, the project team sought to maximize the use and potential of this project by developing the idea of creating the world's first encyclopedia of Islamic bioethics. The proposal of this project was awarded another three-year grant from QNRF's NPRP competition (2012–2015 - NPRP No. 5-1390-6-043). Following these two pioneering projects, the team sought to build on the expertise and the resources that have been developed by investigating a focused research question addressing genetic and reproductive methods. Consequently, a third proposal for a three-year grant was submitted to the 8th cycle of the NPRP competition to investigate the impact of genetic and reproductive technologies on the nuclear family within the Islamic context, which was successfully awarded (2015–2018 -NPRP No.: 8-1478-6-053).

Objectives

This presentation aims to illustrate and highlight the main achievements of these three research projects. It seeks to trace the cumulative development of these efforts and the gradual emergence of a viable research program out of these three related yet distinct research projects. Most importantly, it seeks to demonstrate the difference between a research proposal at the theoretical level on the one hand and a real executed research project on the other. The journey from an abstract research proposal to an actual research project involves important lessons of practical experience that can only be gained through the process of trial and error.

Methods

The presentation will examine the methodology underlying each of these three successful projects and will provide research impact assessment in light of these six main pillars: - Understanding the context of these projects - Identifying their purposes - Defining employed methodologies and success indicators - Communicating findings and results - Managing the assessment of these results - Overall evaluation and quality assurance.

Results and Conclusion

The presentation will showcase the results of these individual research projects and will reflect on the creation of an ambitious research program as a result. It will highlight main outcomes in terms of: academic achievements (different types of publications); scholarly communication and collaboration (organization of scholarly meetings, conferences, and events); team formation and capacity building (recruitment of local and international experts); and community outreach and service (education, consultation, and advocacy).

This paper answers some questions regarding the nexus of food and fuel price commodities. This research can be used as a baseline to make policies to stabilize food commodities and renewable fuel standards. It also provide insightful evidence that policies which are used to increase the usage of green energy could possibly increase prices of food. This is an important establishment to account for when considering renewable fuel standards.

Qatar and other Middle Eastern countries stock market are influenced by oil prices. The goal of this paper is to compare how stock prices in the GCC are affected by shocks in oil prices and comparing the results with other stock markets in other oil exporting countries. The relationship between oil and stock prices has been analysed extensively in the recent media to the recent oil shocks. However limited literature examines and compares how oil prices affect stock markets in the GCC. This paper sheds light on the volatility spillover dynamics running from the oil market into stock markets volatility for eight selected Middle East/African frontier markets. Middle East countries account for 31% of all crude oil production, while approximately 69% of all crude oil is produced by only ten countries. The methodology adopted in this paper is based on the VAR-GARCH approach of Engle and Kroner (1995), which allows to test for the presence of volatility spillover in both directions (i.e., from oil prices to stock prices as well as in the opposite direction). We use weekly data for GCC stock markets, plus three frontier stock markets in Africa, as well as the US S&P500 stock market. We define weekly returns as logarithmic differences of oil and stock prices. Following Caporale et al. (2006) and Al-Maadid et al. (2016), we use a multivariate GARCH-BEKK model to test for volatility spillover by placing restrictions on the relevant parameters. We consider the following two null hypotheses: i) Tests of no stock price volatility spillover to oil price volatility (H0: Stock →  Oil: a21 = g21 = 0) and ii) Tests of no oil price volatility spillover to stock price volatility (H0: Oil →  Stock: a12 = g12 = 0). The results indicate that there is volatility spillover from oil prices volatility into stock market returns volatility. There is evidence of significant conditional volatility spillover, measured by g12, running from oil towards UAE (0.130), Qatar (0.134) and Oman (0.259). These results are consistent with other findings which show significant volatility spillovers between oil and stock markets in the GCC region. However volatility spillover from stock market returns volatility into oil prices volatility is also apparent in some GCC counties.

The conclusion of this paper helps with moving to a more diversified and knowledge based economy because it identifies the effects of oil prices volatility on stock markets volatility for eight oil exporter countries (GCC and non GCC counties). By using weekly data for the 2004–2015 period and using Wednesday to Wednesday weekly prices to overcome the different weekend effect, and by using the US stock market because it is a proxy for the business cycle, we model the relationship between oil and stock prices using a multivariate GARCH-BEKK model. We find evidence of co-movement between oil and stock markets, especially in the GCC region. Consequently, general policies aimed at stabilizing stock prices in oil exporting countries should be formulated by diversification the stock the reliance on the oil sector. However, the specific linkages between different markets need to be taken into account in order to devise appropriate policy measures.

World population has reached to 7.2 billion in 2014 and is expected to reach 9.6 billion by 2050 (United Nations 2014). In order to feed this growing population, global food production needs to increase by 70 per cent (FAO 2009). At present, about 800 million people are living with hunger; which means one in nine is undernourished (FAO, IFAD & WFP 2015). In addition, due to increasing urbanization, changes in lifestyle and consumption patterns, the demand for certain types of products such as meat, milk and eggs will steadily increase. (World Health Organization 2003). Food security is among the topics high on the agenda for many governments around the world. For countries with limited available natural resources such as land, water, forests and so on, increasing their food production will be a challenge. In addition, climate change will pose another constraint, as extreme weather events such as floods, storms, and drought will not only become more frequent, but also more severe in the near future (IPCC 2014). As a result, this is expected to overall negatively affect food production and all dimensions of food security. A food supply chain or food system refers to the processes that include agricultural production, post harvest handling and storage, processing and packaging, distribution and consumption. Each process in the food supply chain is connected, hence changes on one part will be reflected on other parts in particular as changes in price of end products. Both push and pull processes are in place: while growers, processors or retailers push the food products to the market, the consumers initiate “pull” processes by demanding food that can satisfy their needs and preferences. We report preliminary findings from the Safeguarding Food and Environment in Qatar (SAFE-Q) project, funded by the Qatar National Research Fund, and jointly undertaken by Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar, Cranfield University and Brunel University in the UK and Western Sydney University in Australia. The project involves undertaking a detailed analysis of supply and demand sides, examining the causes of food waste occurring during distribution, transportation and storage as well as during food preparation, cooking and consumption. Here, we report findings from interviews we conducted with the stakeholders on the supply side. We conducted interviews in October and November 2015 with distributors, restaurants, hotels as well as non-governmental organisations. In these interviews we asked whether the food was being discarded in the day-to-day operations of the company, followed by the main reasons for this food waste. We also presented the participants with factors that were identified in an earlier stage of the research as being contributors to the food waste and asked the cause and effect relationships between these factors. Following the factor-specific questions, we inquired about initiatives to reduce food waste in the company, as well as the relevant stakeholders that should be reached out to minimise food waste in general. Finally, we asked about potential solutions to food waste situation, and how the participant observes the future of food waste in Qatar. The factors that we have asked to the participants on the supply side were as follows: Packaging, Government legislation, Arab culture, Certification, Competition, Planning, Food safety standards/regulations, Import controls, Food labelling, Logistics infrastructure, Food handling, Promotions, Quality control, Seasonality of demand, Shelf life management, Stock management, and Temperature management. Throughout these interviews we gained insights into the previously identified factors leading to waste in Qatar. For example, food handling was elaborated as staff's lack of knowledge about the food product, lack of knowledge about the storage conditions of the food product. In relation to the seasonality of demand, inability to anticipate market demand was highlighted together with lack of skills for forecasting the demand. Another interesting finding was related to the shelf-life of products, the retailers commented that the shelf-life regulations were different from the rest of the countries in the Gulf region. For example, a canned food item would have a shelf-life of 1.5 years in Qatar whereas its shelf-life would be 2 years in other Gulf countries. Such discrepancies lead to food items being discarded in Qatar although they may still be fit for sale elsewhere in the region. This also had impact on what is being imported into the country, for example it was difficult to convince some producers to prepare the same product with two different expiry dates; one for the Gulf region and one specific to Qatar. One possible explanation to this discrepancy of expiry dates was suggested to be the legislator's desire to prevent bulk-buying on the consumption side, but this is yet to be confirmed with further research. Food labelling was one of the factors elaborated in many of the interviews in different aspects. For example, a significant amount of food is being wasted due to poor labelling; lack of the necessary information on the label. Sometimes the importers were unaware of the sensitivities in Qatar: a reported incident included the suggestion to eat the food with wine for example, and this resulted in the food products' being rejected at the port even though the product itself did not contain any alcohol. Another case mentioned involved a product's brand name familiarity with bacon, although the product did not contain any meat. In terms of suggested solutions to the food waste problem on the supply side, the preliminary data analysis found that the sector in general would benefit from training in food handling, purchasing, procurement, and storage conditions. The participants acknowledged a general lack of expertise in supply chain management and logistics. Another aspect was related to legislation and a single responsible authority for food control in the country. Although the interviews focused on the supply side, participants also commented in general on the awareness raising campaigns, particularly targeted at schools and young people.

References

FAO. 2009. How to feed the world in 2050. Rome.

FAO, IFAD and WFP. 2015. The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2015. Rome.

United Nations. 2014. The World Population Situation in 2014. A Concise Report. New York.

World Health Organization. 2003. Diet, nutrition and the prevention of chronic diseases. Report of a Joint WHO/FAO Expert Consultation. WHO Technical Series.

Qatar and other Middle Eastern countries stock market are influenced by oil prices. The goal of this paper is to compare how stock prices in the GCC are affected by shocks in oil prices and comparing the results with other stock markets in other oil exporting countries. The relationship between oil and stock prices has been analyzed extensively in the recent literature. This paper aims to shed light on the volatility spillover dynamics running from the oil market into stock markets volatility for eight selected Middle East/African frontier markets. Middle East countries account for 31? of all crude oil production, while approximately 69? of all crude oil is produced by only ten countries. The methodology adopted in this paper is based on the VAR-GARCH approach of Engle and Kroner (1995), which allows to test for the presence of volatility spillover in both directions (i.e., from oil prices to stock prices as well as in the opposite direction). We use weekly data for GCC stock markets, plus three frontier stock markets (Algeria, Morocco and Namibia), WTI oil prices and stock prices were sourced by the U.S. Energy Information Administration and Bloomberg, respectively. Weekly indices, Wednesday to Wednesday, were preferred in order to overcome the different stock markets days closure across the eight countries considered in this study. We define weekly returns as logarithmic differences of oil and stock prices. Following Caporale et al. (2006) and Al-Maadid et al. (2016), we use a multivariate GARCH-BEKK model to test for volatility spillover by placing restrictions on the relevant parameters. We consider the following two null hypotheses: i) Tests of no stock price volatility spillover to oil price volatility (H0: Stock →  Oil: a21?g21?0) and ii) Tests of no oil price volatility spillover to stock price volatility (H0: Oil →  Stock: a12?g12?0). The results indicate that there is volatility spillover from oil prices volatility into stock market returns volatility. There is evidence of significant conditional volatility spillover, measured by g12, running from oil towards UAE (0.130), Qatar (0.134) and Oman (0.259). These results are consistent with other findings which show significant volatility spillovers between oil and stock markets in the GCC region. However volatility spillover from stock market returns volatility into oil prices volatility.

The conclusion of this paper helps with moving to a more diversified and knowledge based economy because it identifies the effects of oil prices volatility on stock markets volatility for eight oil exporter countries (GCC and non GCC counties). By using weekly data for the 2004–2015 period and using Wednesday to Wednesday weekly prices to overcome the different weekend effect, and by using the US stock market because it is a proxy for the business cycle and an international stock market, we model the relationship between oil and stock prices using a multivariate GARCH-BEKK model. We find evidence of co-movement between oil and stock markets, especially in the GCC region, whereas results for volatility spillovers are quite mixed. Consequently, general policies aimed at stabilizing stock prices in oil exporting countries should be formulated by diversification. The specific linkages between different markets need to be taken into account in order to devise appropriate policy measures.

Cities provide places for people to live, work, learn and socialize. As urban environments, cities nowadays are typically characterized by urban sprawl in which open public spaces (1) are neglected and/or (2) social interactions are discouraged. In fact, the encouragement of social interactions among neighbors is a vital factor implementing livability among city dwellers. Recent evidence suggests that social interactions occur infrequently in contemporary urban neighborhoods. Therefore, it is worth investigating how communities can be designed in the future with the aim to increase social interactions. Al-Najada area in Doha provides a useful case study because it is a traditional area, built based on formal social structures aiming to the formation of social interaction in old neighborhoods (Fereej).

The research investigates how the urban fabric of Al-Najada area can be studied and investigated in order to enhance social interactions and become an effective sample of sustainable development. Also, it examines the factors that contribute to socially sustainable development in the regeneration of Al-Najada as a traditional asset in the heart of Doha. Literature review is conducted on topics of sustainable urbanism, urban sociology, and built heritage to learn about design implementation in order to enhance social interactions within the urban fabric of neighborhoods. Therefore, content analysis, site observations, and walking tour assessments are adopted as the main research methods in order to investigate how social interactions at Al-Najada area can be encouraged, namely how the spatial form can be implemented in order to enhance social interactions.

As understood from the reviewed literature, environment-behavior studies depend on experimental investigations. Sustainable urban development that constitutes a major part of environment-behavior studies is tested and measured through site observations, semi-structured interviews, and walking tour assessments. Also, illustrative sketches are used as common and intuitive method for communicating spatial information and knowledge. In this study, observations and walking tour assessments are the main methods to collect data. Also, morphological analysis of Al-Najada area is considered to understand its spatial configuration and the physical elements that define it. Collectively, these methods help in gathering relevant personal, behavioral, cognitive, and spatial data to achieve the research objectives. The main technique of data presentation and analysis is illustrative images of a 3D massing model developed for Al-Najada area.

The research study findings lead to the definition of a set of recommendations for a design approach, based on smart planning and design guidelines, aiming at implementing Al-Najada neighborhood case in order to facilitate social interactions. The recommendations are genuinely plan-led, empowering local people to shape their surroundings, with concise neighborhood plans setting out a positive vision for the future of Al-Najada area. Al-Najada area should be re-planned according to the following guidelines in order to implement social sustainability:

1 Al-Najada area should have a variety of functional attributes that contribute to a resident's day-to-day living (such as residential, commercial, or mixed-uses).

2 Al-Najada should accommodate multi-modal transportation (such as pedestrians, bicyclists, vehicles, metro, etc.).

3. Al-Najada should have design and architectural features that are visually interesting.

4. The Qatari history and heritage adaptation is recommended in future design guidelines.

5. It should encourage human contact and social activities.

6. It should promote community involvement and maintains a secure environment.

7. It should promote sustainability and responds to climatic demands.

8. It should have a memorable character.

9. The accessibility and smooth transition from one neighborhood to another should be enhanced.

10 Special attention to the neighborhood-targeted residents must be considered.

11 Municipal attention and follow up is a must for producing and implementing a set of proposed design guidelines and legislations that to be implemented in the regeneration of Al-Najada and other such like neighborhoods.

It is worth to mention that this research is submitted as a paper for publishing in an international journal and currently in the review stage.

Keywords

Sustainable Urbanism; Social Interactions; Al-Najada; Doha; Traditional Neighborhood

The Qatari media system is emerging rapidly to cater for the rapid socio-economic change and sustainable development the country is witnessing since its independence in December 18th, 1997. Since the accession of H.H Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa AI Thani to the reins of the country, the media have been promoting freedom, democracy and social change. Qatari media are fostering Arab and Islamic heritage and morals as well as national, Arab and Islamic causes. Established in 1971, Qatar continues to undergo a period of intense socio-economic change.

Although Qatar is a small nation in terms of area (4,416 sq mi) and population (2,116,400), it has one of the best media infrastructure in the region for press, broadcast, and electronic media. The country has four dailies in Arabic, three in English, and more than two hundred magazines of both general and specialized interest. Qatar also has several satellite television channels and radio stations, as well as the famous Al Jazeera network and be INSPORTS channels. Internet penetration in Qatar is 85.3% (http://www.internetsociety.org/map/global-internet-report/), which puts the state of Qatar third among the Arab countries and among the highest in the world. Journalism education and training is also expanding rapidly with the establishment of Northwestern university Qatar in 2008, besides Qatar University which started offering a minor in journalism back in 1982 and whose department of Mass Communication enrolls over 600 students during the academic year 2015–2016 and has graduated several hundreds of media and public relations practitioners since its establishment. Finally, there is great interest from government media officials in the qatarization of media profession.

The rationale behind this study is to find out who the journalists practicing in Qatar are, where do they come from, how do they perceive their job and role in society, and how do they fit as expatriates in a media system and a country which is not theirs. Over 90 percent of the practicing journalists in Qatar are foreigners. This study addresses the issue of their educational background, working conditions and professional orientations.

The other importance of this study lies in the fact that expatriate employees are making the majority of the working journalists in Qatar as it is the case in many other sectors of the economy. This is one of the rare situations in the world except for some other Gulf countries; and one wonders what are the perceptions, ideas, philosophy of these journalists who come from different countries with different schools of thoughts, backgrounds, culture, education, political systems, religious beliefs, and convictions.

The questionnaire was patterned after similar surveys of journalists in other countries, including those done in the Arab world, the United States, and England (Johnston, Slawski & Bowman, 1973, 1976; Kirat 1993, 1998, 2000; Tash 1983; Tunstall 1977; Weaver & Wilhoit 1986, 1996; and Weaver et al. 2007), while taking into the characteristics and peculiarities of journalism in the state of Qatar. A pre-test was administered to 20 journalists to ensure validity, reliability, adequacy of measures, and clarity of terms and language. The final questionnaire was distributed to journalists and media managers by two research assistants – senior students- at the department of Mass Communication, Qatar University.

The survey targeted a census of the population of Qatar journalists, estimated at about 850, and covered the daily press, radio and television networks, and the national news agency (QANA). Aljazeera network channels’ journalists were excluded from the research due to the fact that Aljazeera has a different coverage area than that of mainstream media in Qatar. Journalists working for specialized publications were not included in the survey. Despite skepticism on the part of journalists and media organization managers who declined to participate, the author collected questionnaires from 125 journalists. Respondents represented 13 media organizations, including the national news agency, radio and television, and the daily press (both Arabic and English language).

Thirteen media organizations were represented in this study. They included Qatar News Agency (QNA) (21.6%) Al Sharq (18.4%), Qatar Tribune (10.4%), Alwatan (8.8%), Gulf Times (8%), The Peninsula (7.2%), Alrayyan TV (7.2%), Sawt Alkhaleej Radio (7.2%), Qatar TV (4%) and Alraya (3.2%), Alkas TV (1.6%), Qatar Radio (1.6%), and Alarab (0.8%). The daily Arabic press is represented by 39 journalists (31.2%); the daily English press by 32 journalists (25.6%), the national news agency by 27 journalists (21.6%), the television networks by

journalists (12.8%); and the radio stations by 11 journalists (8.8%).

The findings from this survey offer a detailed and current profile of the demographics, education, job satisfaction, working conditions, roles, news values, ethics, professional orientations, and perceived impact on public opinion. More than half (58.4%) of the surveyed journalists in this study fall in the 3545 age bracket with a median of 37.94 years old. Journalists in Qatar have 12.42 years of experience in the field and work an average of 40.21 hours per week. One-third of journalists in Qatar are female (34.4). Over three-quarters of the journalists surveyed are married (80.6%), while 15.4% are single and have never married. More than two thirds of the journalists surveyed (68.8%) hold a bachelor's degree, and 12.% hold advanced degrees. Over half of those holding a bachelor's degree have a major in journalism and mass communication (52%), while other majors include social sciences (19.3%), political science (8.8%), business (6.9%), natural sciences (3.8%), and humanities (3.1%). Concerning continuing education, 73.6% of the surveyed journalists expressed interest in additional training in journalism. The majority of the respondents would like to have training in writing techniques (60.1%), followed by an interest in learning more about media technology (40%), multimedia (26.3%), new media (16.5%), and training abroad (15.5%). The findings suggest that age and experience are the key factors in determining whether the journalist is interested in having more training and continuous education. Younger and less experienced journalists were more likely than older and more experienced journalists to opt for additional education. More than half of the surveyed journalists had journalism training before entering the profession (60%), and almost three quarters would like to have the opportunity to take training courses and workshops related to the profession (73.6%).

Only 10% of the surveyed journalists are Qataris. This fact is due mainly to the very young age of the country and its need for foreign workers in all sectors of the economy. The bulk of foreign journalists working for Arabic media organizations in the country are from the Middle East, led by Egypt (39.4%), Sudan (8.1%), Syria (8.1%), Jordan (7.5%), and Lebanon (4.4%). On the other hand, journalists working for English news organizations are predominantly Indian (62.5%).

Responses also indicate that journalists in Qatar show strong support to their roles as mobilizers and interpreters. Roughly, three out of four journalists agreed with the extreme importance of the “mobilizing” role, as indicated by three questions: the concentration on news of a wide interest (86.4%), the goal of enhancement of Islamic values (80.6%), and the goal of education and formation of modern Qatari citizens (80.8%). Furthermore, most journalists surveyed agreed with the “interpretive” role, as indicated by three questions: providing analysis and interpretations of complex problems (89.6%), developing intellectual and cultural public interests (87.2%), and avoiding stories in which facts cannot be verified (72.8%). Journalists in Qatar view news in a national context and along the lines of the policies in practice in the country. Our data show that more than half of the journalists reported changing their conceptions of news since they began their careers. More than half of journalists surveyed indicated a high level of job satisfaction, and three-quarters said that their job conditions are either good or very good. Journalists also expressed satisfaction with their freedom in practicing their daily tasks. However, more than half of them showed some dissatisfaction concerning their relations with sources when investigating sensitive issues. And those surveyed were unhappy with their news organizations’ policies towards continuing education and refresher courses. The majority of them have never been given the chance to enroll in training workshops, seminars, and courses, although many expressed an interest in continuing education and training.

About three-quarters of the surveyed journalists responded that they are either satisfied or very satisfied with their jobs, the stability of their jobs, the use of their talents and creativity, and their peer relationships. Overall, these findings suggest that journalists in Qatar are satisfied with their job conditions, which is a positive and healthy sign for the media practice in the country. On the other hand, findings from the interviews revealed that journalists are aware of some weaknesses and common criticisms of journalism in Qatar, such as lack of in depth reporting, and too often being viewed as a megaphone and a spokesperson for the government. Journalists in Qatar were also aware that they may be seen as concentrating too much on routine government activities, and they rated highly their power to manipulate public opinion on some issues. The findings confirmed that journalists in Qatar highly value adhering to their standards of professionalism. Their beliefs and philosophies regarding the role of the media are compatible with the information policy of the country, which emphasizes national unity and national development.

In terms of media ethics, the study showed that the media practitioners learn mostly from day-by-day practice, from peers and colleagues, and from their family and religious upbringing. Seventy eight percent of the surveyed journalists consistently objected to the use of a range of questionable methods to get news. Journalists in this study also expressed strong support for the idea that the media are influential in forming public opinion and in influencing government decisions. These beliefs are reflected by and intersect with strong opinions on the mobilizing and interpretative roles of the media in Qatar. Asked if “the Qatari system of regulations is conducive to freedom of expression, pluralism and diversity of the media”, over half of the journalists answered positively (61.6%); and almost two thirds said that there is plurality and diversity in the media in Qatar. Asked if the media in Qatar serve as a platform for democratic discourse, half of the respondents said yes. The majority of the journalists (83.2%) think that journalists in Qatar need a professional association and are satisfied with the use of media technology (87.2%) and believe that there is self censorship practice in the country (80.8%).

Looking to the future of journalism in Qatar, these findings reveal the need for training and continuing education with specific concentration on modern technology such as databanks, multimedia, and the Internet. Also, there is a need to concentrate on learning different languages, especially English for Arab journalists who do not master English to communicate effectively in a multicultural media environment, and Arabic for non-Arab journalists. Finally, more native Qatari citizens should be encouraged to enter the industry and become leaders in a media field currently dominated by expatriates. Media officials in Qatar are urged as well to motivate and encourage young Qataris to enter the media industry through higher salaries and better incentives.

The costs, both monetary and psychological, associated with the injuries and deaths caused by motor vehicle collisions (MVC) are quite high across the world and as a recent call from the World Health Organization argues, very preventable (Nebehay, 2015). Qatar has not escaped this worldwide epidemic, in fact the situation may be worse than the global average, as traffic accident rates are alarming and expected to rise dramatically in the next 10 years (Nehlawi, 2013 citing the Qatar Statistics Authority). The report indicates that a 160% increase in MVCs has occurred in the last 10 years as Qatar's population has exploded ? almost tripling in the past 10 years (Trading Economics, n.d.). The number of deaths caused by road accidents is high, 12.5 percent, which means that for every 8 deaths in Qatar, one is from a traffic accident, a higher death rate than from cancer (The Peninsula, 2013). Nehlawi (2013) estimates that the economic impact alone is staggering; Qatar's GDP may be affected by as much as 2.73 billion USD annually.

The significant costs associated with MVCs have motivated numerous message campaigns designed to encourage drivers to engage in less risky behaviors in many locales, including Qatar. However, safe driving campaigns in Qatar are in their infancy. The first campaigns contained fear appeals that typically involved pictures of vehicles that had been smashed almost beyond recognition in accidents posted on signs around the capital city, Doha. A second generation of campaigns has recently been developed that are also fear appeal based, but feature more sophisticated messaging and visuals than the first group did. While laudable in their goals, both sets of campaigns are not based on either a theoretical framework or preliminary research on the target audience. Additionally, evaluation research on the specific campaigns has not been conducted making assessment of message efficacy difficult. Even if the campaigns have had some effectiveness, 18–25 year old Qatari men, our target audience, continue to be the highest risk group, involved in a disproportionate number of MVCs, suggesting the campaigns are not working for this cohort at all.

One of the common reasons message campaigns fail to have the intended effect is the lack of correspondence between the message content, form and design and the audience's attitudes and beliefs (Yzer, 2012). Different people respond to the same message in different ways: some may find it engaging while others ignore it, some may reject the message while others find it resonates with them. The stronger the match between the message and the audience, the higher the likelihood of persuasion. Creating a message that is closely tailored to an audience requires an understanding of the way they think and are likely to respond to the messages. Targeting specific audiences with targeted or tailored messages is essential for a safe driving campaign to be effective in changing behaviors. The objective of our study is to enable effective message design and tailoring by discovering young Qatari men's (18-25 year olds) attitudes and beliefs about driving behaviors and to then create such a message. Our research has two phases: (1) formative research on the target audience and (2) message creation and evaluation.

In the first phase of the research we conducted focus group discussions with 18-25 year old Qatari male drivers to discover their driving attitudes and behaviors to provide guidance for the tailored message campaigns designed to change their attitudes and behavior. We discovered that the perceived capability of actually changing one's behavior is seriously impeded by characteristics our respondents shared and that they typically engage in quite risky driving behaviors. High sensation seeking increases reckless driving because it is rewarded by both the psychological pleasure derived from dangerous actions and by young men's peers and simultaneously creates a barrier for attitudinal and behavioral change. Driving at excessive speeds and refusing to wear seat belts are some of the high-risk behaviors our respondents reported. In fact, they believe that seat belts can actually increase their likelihood of death or injury, rather than understanding that the opposite is the case. A respondent noted: “every time I tell him to wear the seat belt he tells me ‘what if the car flips? Everyone I know who have been in that situation get out from the window.’ They say that the seat belt will stop the people from being able to get him out of the car. They think the dangers are more than it's benefits.”

In the focus group discussions our respondents also reported fatalistic beliefs and message reactance. Fatalism is a belief that what happens to a person is not a result from their own behaviors but rather is caused by an entity higher that them, typically God, but non-religious people can nonetheless still have high levels of fatalism (Shen & Condit, 2012). A high level of fatalism presents a challenge to message campaigns because the message recipients, who believe they do not have control over their own fate, may reject the desired behavioral change. The young men in the focus groups reported such beliefs. As one participant stated: “When a person drives that fast they always say it's on God, or whatever's going to happen is written.”

The combination of fatalism and high sensation seeking coupled with routine engagement in risky driving behaviors makes our respondents a particularly difficult group in which to inspire behavioral change. Message campaigns must take these factors into account to increase their likelihood of success, however our respondents reported that they ignore or are reactive to standard safe driving messages. They indicated that they tuned out as soon as they recognized the persuasive intent of such messages. One participant stated, “there is good awareness and dangerous ones. If you get them used to drama and tears in videos they're going to get bored.” Other participants emphasized that they were particularly uninterested in sad or dramatic stories of loss and grieving. As another participant said, “as soon as I see the start as dramatic or sad, I stop watching the video straight away. I don't like watching these things. If you grab the viewer's attention from the start he won't stop watching. If the start of the video was a sad song or an accident the viewer will not watch it.” A participant argued that “the genre won't affect anything if just depends on the first 10 seconds of the film, if they draw the viewers in it would be successful. For example, you could be telling them a story but you shouldn't indicate that a person dies or an accident will occur.” Creating a novel message that they do not recognize as a safe driving campaign with a persuasive intent that is neither sad nor overly dramatic is required for successful influence on their attitudes and behaviors.

In the second phase of our study we created a 6-minute persuasive video targeting the use of seatbelts and tailored to the attitudes and beliefs that emerged from the focus group discussions. We sought to create a message that would be interesting but could not be dramatic or sad given the reactance to such messages. In such a situation, humor is perhaps the most obvious alternative. The research team brainstormed ideas then wrote a humorous script that features a personified seat-belt who chases after a group of young Qatari men and attempts to convince them to wear him. In the end he convinces the main character to wear him and thus saves his life after an accident. The other young men witness this event and also start wearing their seat belts.

We workshopped the script with men from the target audience for realism, appropriate dialog and vocabulary, humor and believability. After revising the script, we cast professional actors and shot the film. All of the actors are native Qataris from the target age group and the film is shot entirely in the local dialectic with English subtitles. We made a rough cut and then ran another focus group with the target audience to ask for their evaluation of the film. Based on their feedback we made some changes to the end of the story to increase its persuasive effectiveness. We are currently finalizing the film and editing, then we will screen it to our target audience. We plan to work with Qatar University and local schools for the screening and to do talkbacks for the evaluation research. The Qatari members of the research team will conduct the talkbacks and we will invite the actors as well. The film itself should have a persuasive effect on at least some members of the target audience and of course attitudinal change from messages is incremental and never affects an entire audience. The talkbacks should increase the persuasive effectiveness as they encourage more thoughtful reflection on the message and the opportunity for the members of the research team to orally target barriers to persuasion. We anticipate completion of this stage of the research by March 2016.

Health message campaigns are the most likely to be successful when they closely match the attitudes, beliefs and barriers to persuasion in the target audience. Developing such messages requires knowing these aspects of the intended message receivers. As our campaign focuses on an understudied population, 18–25 Qatari male drivers, we sought to learn directly from them what they believe about driving behaviors as well as their responses to safe driving messages to facilitate the creation of a tailored persuasive message. Our humorous film is not recognizable as a dramatic or sad safe driving campaign, is closely tailored to our target audience and the mechanism of screenings with talkbacks should increase its persuasive effectiveness, hopefully convincing young Qatari men to wear their seatbelts and thus saving precious lives.

References

Nebehay, S. (2015, October 20). Traffic deaths preventable, WHO says in call for road safety. Reuters. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/10/20/health-who-roads-idUSL8N12J18L20151020

Nehlawi, M. (2013, April 17). The price of Qatar's high road accidents. The Edge. Retrieved from http://www.theedge.me/the-price-of-qatars-high-road-accidents/

Shen, L. & Condit, C. (2012). Addressing fatalism with health communication messages. In Health Communication Message Design, Ed. H. Cho, Sage.

The Peninsula (2013, December 8). One in eight dies on road. Retrieved from http://thepeninsulaqatar.com/news/qatar/266029/one-in-eight-dies-on-road

Trading Economics. Qatar Population. Retrieved from http://www.tradingeconomics.com/qatar/population

Yzer, M., (2012). The integrative model of behavioral prediction as a tool for designing health messages. In Health Communication Message Design, Ed. H. Cho, Sage.

Introduction

Investigating Glassmaking in the Early Medieval World

UCL-Qatar has embarked on a rigorous scientific project that aims to understand the production and trade of glass objects within the Byzantine Empire and Abbasid Caliphate—two contemporary and often rival regional powers. “Glass from Byzantium to Baghdad: Trade and Technology from the Byzantine Empire to the Abbasid Caliphate” is a QNRF-sponsored research project that combines archaeological and scientific evidence to compare the technological traditions and economic networks in place within the lands of the eastern Mediterranean and Arabian Peninsula during the early medieval era.

This paper presents some of the very first chemical analytical data ever produced for glass artifacts excavated from archaeological sites within the GCC region. This data enables us not only to identify the type of raw materials and aspects of the manufacturing technology used to make glass, it also allows scholars to better contextualize this material by addressing various economic aspects related to the production, consumption, and trade of glass objects in the early medieval world. In addition to shedding light on how glass was made and traded, the chemical analysis of excavated glass artifacts helps scholars elucidate what material- and knowledge-interactions people in the medieval world may have had, and whether such interactions went beyond cultural, political, or geographic boundaries.

Case Study

Islamic Glass from the Site of Kush, UAE

The first major case study in this investigation are the glass artifacts excavated from the archaeological site of Kush. Located in the Shimal area of Ras al-Khaimah (Fig. 1), Kush is one of the largest archaeological tells in the UAE. The tell was first noted by scholars in 1977, and was excavated from 1994 to 2000. Archaeological investigation shows that the settlement was occupied from the 5th century to the 13th century CE; situated just inside the Gulf on the edge of what was once a lagoon, the site was involved in the long-distance trade of goods with both the East and the West during much of its history.

Among the artifacts that were recovered from excavation were more than 5000 fragments of glass, which suggests glass vessels played an important role in the daily lives of people living at Kush. Because there is as yet no evidence for glassmaking or glass working in Eastern Arabia, it is likely that most of the glass was imported from the major contemporary glass producers that were located to the north and northwest in the Levant, Mesopotamia, and Iran.

Small samples were removed for analysis from 43 fragments of glass vessels excavated from Trench A at Kush. These glasses are translucent and come in a variety of colors including turquoise, aqua, light green, green, yellow green, dark yellow, amber, and purple hues as well as colorless glass. Over the course of time, the glass artifacts have deteriorated, leaving flakey white and black weathering layers that obscure the surface.

The chemical composition of the glass samples was determined using electron probe microanalysis (EPMA); 23 glass forming compounds and elements were measured, the results given as weight percent oxides. The chemical data sheds light on three aspects of the glass from Kush: 1) the raw materials used to make the glass, 2) the technological tradition of glassmaking and possible provenance or origin of the glass objects, and 3) changes in glass chemistry over time.

The Kush glass objects are all made from soda-lime-silica glass, a type which dominated ancient and medieval glass production and continues to dominate production even today. In terms of the raw materials used to make the glass, the relatively high magnesia and potash content of the sampled vessels (with an average of 3.9 wt% MgO and 2.5 wt% K2O) indicates that the glasses were made using plant ashes rather than mineral soda as a fluxing agent to lower the melting temperature of silica. Because mineral soda was the dominant flux used by glassmakers in Syro-Palestine and Egypt until the 9th–10th centuries CE, it is likely that the Kush glass vessels dating to this period were instead imported from Mesopotamia, where plant ash glass technology was in continual use since the Bronze Age. This suggests that at this time, Kush was primarily involved in the trade of raw glass or finished glass objects not with the main glassmaking regions within the former Byzantine Near East, but rather with the central Mesopotamian regions of the Abbasid caliphate of which the Arabian Peninsula was a part.

Plant ash is a chemically complex source of soda, and typically has a high concentration of other chemical compounds, making plant ash a rather “dirty” material. However, the Kush samples have lower phosphorus content than might be expected from a plant ash-based glass, which could suggest the plant ash soda was purified in some way during processing. In many of the samples, trace amounts of antimony, manganese, copper, cobalt, tin, and lead could indicate some degree of glass recycling was also taking place. In some cases the addition of metals to the raw glass was intended to colorize the glass, as in the case of the unique bright turquoise glasses that have high traces of antimony, copper, tin, and lead. The manganese content of the Kush samples is also notable; manganese is typically added to create purple or colorless glass, but manganese is present in relatively high levels in some of the green, aqua-green, and yellow-green glasses found at Kush.

The glass from Kush was also sampled to assess change over the course of time. The Kush glass can be divided into chronological periods based on their typological features and excavation context, and the samples were taken from vessels dating to four different periods of Kush's Early Islamic era of occupation history: the 7th–8th centuries CE (Period II), the late 8th-early 9th centuries CE (Period III), the 9th-late 11th centuries CE (Period IV), and the late 11th-early 12th centuries CE (Period V). However, the chemistry of the glass does not appear to reflect any major compositional changes over time. The glass samples from the 9th–11th centuries are of particular interest, as they coincide with a time of flourishing population and economy within the region; there may be some degree of standardization reflected in the 9th–12th century glass samples, as is suggested by the narrower range of potash levels.

Conclusions and Future Work

In comparison to glass made using mineral soda, plant-ash based glass is more chemically complex. As such it requires a more rigorous analytical program. The data provided in this preliminary study using electron probe microanalysis (EPMA) gives a good general impression of the glassmaking technology of the Kush samples, but it is expected that a better technological assessment and interpretation will result from the application of a new chemical analytical technique: laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (LA-ICPMS). This technique goes beyond the detection capabilities of EPMA and enables measurement of the trace element composition of glass to parts per million (ppm). Trace element analysis of the Kush glass will thus allow us to discriminate between discrete glass groupings, and to better interpret the economic networks and patterns of trade that took place in the Gulf region during the Early Islamic era.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank Philip Connolly for providing the EPMA data for the Kush samples discussed above. This presentation was made possible by NPRP grant 7-776-6-024 from the Qatar National Research Fund (a member of Qatar Foundation). The statements made herein are solely the responsibility of the authors.

حماية الاطفال والناشئة من اساءة استخدام الانترنيت وتقنيات الاتصال الحديثة لكل عصر وزمان أدواته وثقافته وسماته، التي لا غنى له عنها، ولعل وسائط تكنولوجيا الاتصال الحديثة كافة والإنترنت أهمها ـ باتت أهم أدوات عالمنا المعاصر، التي نستخدمها ونسخرها ونوظفها لتلبي احتياجاتنا، ومن خلالها نتمكن من أن نتواصل مع هذا العالم ونصبح جزءاً منه. وفق هذه القاعدة، علينا أن نعمل ونتعامل مع الواقع ونستوعبه ونتوافق معه، بمميزاته وعيوبه، دون أن ننحي أو نتجاهل أهم معطيات العصر وندفن رؤوسنا في الرمال إلى أن يلتهمنا الخطر. تبرز مخاطر تلك التأثيرات السلبية التي تكتنف تعامل الأطفال الصغار مع عالم “الإنترنت”، في ظل غياب الوعي المجتمعي لتأثيراته وتداعياته على سيكولوجية وشخصية الطفل، في ظل تراجع تأثير الأسرة بشكل عام وانحسار دورها في عملية التنشئة الاجتماعية أمام العوامل الأكثر تأثيراً، وأبرزها وأخطرها الفضائيات المفتوحة و“الإنترنت”. لا يمكن إغفال أو تجاهل التقدم والتطور الذي حدث في وسائل الإعلام الحديثة ووسائل التواصل الاجتماعي. حماية الطفل باعتبارها مسؤولية أسرية ومجتمعية، لم تعد قاصرة على مجرد توفير المأكل والملبس والمسكن، أو تقديم خدمات صحية ومادية له، أو مجرد منع الضرر والإيذاء الجسدي، بل هي عملية وقائية، وتحصين نفسي ومعنوي وأخلاقي وإنساني في المقام الأول، بعد أن أصبحت هناك شكوى عالمية تؤرق المجتمع الإنساني بأسره، ومن أخطر القضايا الشائكة التي تحتاج إلى استراتيجية وثقافة مجتمعية لإنجاحها رغم تأكيد دراسات عديدة في كثير من البلدان ـ حتى المتقدمة منها ـ أن الآباء والأمهات أنفسهم لا يزالون غير مدركين تماماً المخاطر التي يتعرض لها أطفالهم من عالم “الإنترنت”. ويمتلك جيل اليوم من الأطفال مهارات متقدمة في استخدام تلك الأجهزة بدرجة تفوق الأباء والأمهات، غير أن الدراسات الحديثة، سواء في الغرب أو في العالم العربي، تؤكد على خطورة تلك الوسائل على الأطفال الذين يتعرضون من خلالها إلى العنف إلى مخاطر الاستغلال الجنسي ومشاهدة المواد الإباحية عبر شبكة الانترنت.. إنها مدرسة جديدة؛ “مدرسة وسائل الإعلام الحديثة” يتعلمون فيها ـ من دون رقابة أو إرشاد ـ أشياء ثؤثر على تشكيل شخصياتهم وسلوكياتهم في المستقبل، فهل يمكن أن يكون للإعلام العربي دوراً في حماية الأطفال من تلك المخاطر التي تؤثر على شخصيته وتكوينه في مرحلة سوف تحدد أفكاره واتجاهاته وسلوكياته في المستقبل؟ في كل زمان ومكان، يسعى الأباء والأمهات إلى حماية أطفالهم بشتى الوسائل الممكنة من كل أشكال الضرر أو الإساءة؛ فيختارون لهم أفضل المدارس الممكنة، ويحرصون على تلبية طلباتهم المعقولة، وبمرور الوقت تتزايد معدلات الأطفال الذين تتوافر لديهم تليفونات محمولة خاصة، وربما تليفزيونات خاصة في غرف نومهم، لتفادي المشكلات التي تنشأ بين أفراد الأسرة من جراء إصرار عدد كبير من الأطفال على مشاهدة قنوات الأطفال المتخصصة التي يستمر إرسالها طوال اليوم، هذا بخلاف ألعاب الفيديو وأجهزة الكمبيوتر التي يجيد الأطفال استخدامها بمهارة عالية تفوق أباءهم، ويطمئن الآباء والأمهات إلى أن الأطفال بذلك يقضون أوقاتا ممتعة، ومن ثم ينشغلون بأعمالهم ومهامهم الأخرى، غير أن الأطفال يتعرضون إلى مخاطر عديدة نتيجة قضاء وقت طويل أمام تلك الوسائل التكنولوجية الحديثة بمفردهم. تنص المادة الثالثة من الاتفاقية الدولية لحقوق الطفل بالتزام الدول الأطراف باتخاذ التدابير التشريعية والإدارية الملائمة لضمان حماية الطفل، وتنص المادة التاسعة عشر من الاتفاقية أيضا على التزام الدول بحماية الطفل من كافة أشكال العنف أو الضرر أو الإساءة البدنية وإساءة الاستغلال بما في ذلك الإساءة الجنسية. ويوضح البروتوكول الاختياري لاتفاقية حقوق الطفل بشأن بيع الأطفال واستغلال الأطفال في البغاء وفي المواد الاباحية، معنى استغلال الأطفال في المواد الإباحية بتصوير الطفل، بأي وسيلة كانت، يمارس ممارسة حقيقية أو بالمحاكاة أنشطة جنسية صريحة، أو أي تصوير لأعضائه الجنسية لإشباع الرغبة الجنسية. وفي مادته الثالثة يلزم البروتوكول الاختياري الدول الأعضاء أن يغطي قانونها الجنائي الجرائم ضد الطفل ومن أهمها، إنتاج وتوزيع ونشر واستيراد وتصوير وعرض وبيع وحيازة مواد إباحية تتعلق بالطفل. ولعل من ابرز الآثار السلبية لشبكة الإنترنت والتي تؤثر على أبنائنا الآتي

● إضاعة الكثير من الوقت في أشياء قد تكون غير مفيدة √

● قد يؤدي الجلوس طويلاً على الإنترنت إلى الإصابة بالعزلة عن الواقع الذي نعيش فيه √

● التورط في مشاكل سرقة البيانات والابتزاز التي تمارسها بعض العصابات على شبكة الإنترنت والتي تكون متخصصة بهذا الأمر √

● فساد أخلاق الكثير من الشباب، والذي يؤدي إلى فساد المجتمع الذي نعيش فيه √

الدخول في علاقات جنسية بين كثيرٍ من الشباب والتي تكون خارج إطار الزواج √

أن أطفال اليوم يقضون فترة تترواح ما بين 7 إلى 10 ساعات يومياً أمام وسائل الإعلام الحديثة بما في ذلك الانترنت؟ أي أنها فترة تتجاوز الوقت الذي يقضونه في المدرسة، وتتجاوز الوقت الذي يقضونه مع الوالدين أنفسهما، وكذلك تتجاوز فترة التفاعل وجهاً لوجه مع أقرانهم من الأطفال. في الماضي كانت هناك مشكلة في الحصول على المعلومة، ثم تحولت المشكلة إلى القدرة على متابعة المعلومة، أما الأن فنحن في مرحلة الحاجة إلى تجنب المعلومة، على أننا لا يمكن أن ننعزل عن الثقافة والحياة، وإنما نحتاج إلى الإمكانيات لإجراء فلترة للرسائل التي تهبط علينا؛ فالأطفال يدخلون مدرسة جديدة كل يوم من دون استئذان، من خلال وسائل الإعلام، وتقدم لنا الاحصائيات الدولية أرقام مخيفة، فعلى سبيل المثال يصل معدل الساعات التي يقضيها الأطفال دون السابعة أمام وسائل الإعلام إلى أربع ساعات يوميا، وفي المرحلة العمرية ما بين 8 - 18 عام يصل عدد الساعات إلى أكثر من 7 ساعات يوميا، وربما يصل إلى 10 ساعات يوميا بمتوسط يفوق 53 ساعة أسبوعيا، وهي مدة أكبر من التي يقضيها الطالب في المدرسة، ويطرح تساؤل مهم حول مدى توافر البرامج التي تم إعدادها خصيصاً لتحصين الأطفال ضد الرسائل الإعلامية السلبية التي يستقبلونها. الإعلام ليس كله شر، وإنما يحتوى على بعض المحاذير، وأن الإحصائيات الأمريكية تدل على أن 66% من الأطفال والشباب يملكون المحمول في الفئة العمرية ما بين 8 - 18 عام، و76% منهم يملكون الـ والـ IPAD .3MP، و71% منهم لديهم تليفزيون خاص في غرف نومهم، و50% لديهم ألعاب فيديو في غرف نومهم، وعند مقارنة تلك النسب بالنسبة للدول العربية، أن النسب ستكون أكبر في دول الخليج العربي على وجه التحديد. يسعى الباحث الى تشخيص الاثار السلبية لوسائل الاتصال الحديثة وتاثيراتها على الاطفال وكيفية حماية الاطفال من تلك الاضرار وتحديد ادوار المؤسسات الحكومية والمجتمع المدني والاسرة والمدرسة وجهات ضبط هذه الوسائط.